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Guide to Being an Anti-Racism Activist



byNicki Lisa Cole, Ph.D. 

Updated June 29, 2019

Do you feel overwhelmed by the destructive power of racism, but unsure of what to do about it? The good news is, while the scope of racism in the U.S. might be vast, progress is possible. Step-by-step and piece-by-piece, we can work to end racism, but to begin this work, we must truly understand what racism is. First, review how sociologists define racism, then consider ways that each of us can work to end it.

What Is Racism?

Sociologists see racism in the U.S. as systemic it is embedded in every aspect of our social system. This systemic racism is characterized by unjust enrichment of white people, unjust impoverishment of people of color, and an overall unjust distribution of resources across racial lines (money, safe spaces, education, political power, and food, for example). Systemic racism is made up of racist ideologies and attitudes, including subconscious and implicit ones that might even seem well-meaning.

It is a system that grants privileges and benefits to whites at the expense of others. This system of social relations is perpetuated by racist worldviews from positions of power (in the police or news media, for example), and alienates people of color who are subordinated, oppressed, and marginalized by such forces. It is the unjust costs of racism born by people of color, like denial of education and employment, incarceration, mental and physical illness, and death. It is racist ideology that rationalizes and justifies racist oppression, like the media narratives that criminalize victims of police and vigilante violence, like Michael Brown, Trayvon Martin, and Freddie Gray, as well as many others.​

To end racism, we must combat it everywhere it lives and thrives. We must confront it in ourselves, in our communities, and in our nation. No one person can do it all or do it alone, but we can all do things to help, and in doing so, work collectively to end racism. This brief guide will help get you started.

At the Individual Level

These actions are mostly for white people, but not exclusively.

1. Listen to, validate, and ally with people who report personal and systemic racism. Most people of color report that whites do not take claims of racism seriously. It’s time to stop defending the idea of a post-racial society, and recognize instead that we live in a racist one. Listen to and trust those who report racism, because anti-racism begins with basic respect for all people.

2. Have hard conversations with yourself about the racism that lives within you. When you find yourself making an assumption about people, places, or things, challenge yourself by asking whether you know the assumption to be true, or if it is something you have simply been taught to believe by a racist society. Consider facts and evidence, especially those found in academic books and articles about race and racism, rather than hearsay and “common sense.”

3. Be mindful of the commonalities that humans share, and practice empathy. Do not fixate on difference, though it is important to be aware of it and the implications of it, particularly as regards power and privilege. Remember that if any kind of injustice is allowed to thrive in our society, all forms can. We owe it to each other to fight for an equal and just society for all.

At the Community Level

1. If you see something, say something. Step in when you see racism occurring, and disrupt it in a safe way. Have hard conversations with others when you hear or see racism, whether explicit or implicit. Challenge racist assumptions by asking about supporting facts and evidence (in general, they do not exist). Have conversations about what led you and/or others to have racist beliefs.

2. Cross the racial divide (and others) by offering friendly greetings to people, regardless of race, gender, age, sexuality, ability, class, or housing status. Think about who you make eye contact with, nod to, or say “Hello” to while you are out in the world. If you notice a pattern of preference and exclusion, shake it up. Respectful, friendly, everyday communication is the essence of community.

3. Learn about the racism that occurs where you live, and do something about it by participating in and supporting anti-racist community events, protests, rallies, and programs. For example, you could:

  • Support voter      registration and polling in neighborhoods where people of      color live because they have historically been marginalized from the      political process.
  • Donate time and/or money to      community organizations that serve youth of color.
  • Mentor white kids on being      anti-racist citizens who fight for justice
  • Support post-prison programs,      because the inflated incarceration rates of black and Latino people lead      to their long-term economic      and political disenfranchisement.
  • Support community organizations      that serve those bearing the mental, physical, and economic costs of      racism.
  • Communicate with your local      and state government officials and institutions about how they can help      end racism in the communities they represent.

At the National Level

1. Advocate for Affirmative Action practices in education and employment. Countless studies have found that qualifications being equal, people of color are rejected for employment and admission to educational institutions far greater rates than white people. Affirmative Action initiatives help mediate this problem of racist exclusion.

2. Vote for candidates who make ending racism a priority; vote for candidates of color. In today's federal government, people of color remain disturbingly underrepresented. For a racially just democracy to exist, we must achieve accurate representation, and the governing of representatives must actually represent the experiences and concerns of our diverse populace.

3. Combat racism through national-level political channels. For example, you could:

  • Write senators and members of      Congress to demand an end to racist practices in law enforcement, the judiciary, education, and the media.
  • Advocate for national legislation      that would criminalize racist police practices and institute ways to      monitor police behavior, like body cams or independent investigations.
  • Join the movement for      reparations for the descendants of African      slaves and      other historically oppressed populations within the U.S., because theft of      land, labor, and denial of resources is the foundation of American racism,      and it is on this foundation that contemporary inequalities thrive.

Keep in mind that you don't have to do all of these things in your fight against racism. What's important is that we all do at least something.

America Has a Big Race Problem


When it comes to racial bias, nurture trumped nature quite some time ago.

By  Jeff Nesbit, Contributor March 28, 2016


The Civil War ended nearly 151 years ago, but the battle between the races rages on. One example: While many in the South embrace the Confederate flag as a sign of heritage, many in the African-American community view it as a symbol of hate. 

WE CLEARLY HAVE A problem in America.

When almost 90 percent of white people in America who take the Implicit Association Test show an inherent racial bias for white people versus black people, that means something.

Delayed Desegregation: Separate S.C. High…

When young, black teenaged men are shot and killed by white police officers and trigger extraordinarily intense social commentary about racial tension in communities like Ferguson, Missouri, it means we haven't solved the equation yet.

When a mentally unbalanced, young, white man sits quietly in a historic, black church during a Bible study for an hour and then kills nine black parishioners in order to start a race war, it's more than just an isolated incident. When America's first black president feels compelled to use part of his State of the Union address midway through his second term in office to talk about the state of the dialogue between blacks and whites in America, it means we haven't reached a point where we can genuinely talk about the issue of racial bias in the criminal justice system, in educational settings and in workplace hiring.

We need a new, national conversation about race – about what it means when nearly every white person in America carries around an implicit racial bias that subconsciously prefers white people over black people in social, professional and educational settings. It's black and white. It's that stark. And we need to start on that conversation as soon as possible.

For Blacks and Hispanics, Faster Lives and Quicker Deaths ]

So why aren't we having that national conversation? Why does it only break out into the open after incidents like the Trayvon Martin shooting in Florida, or the Michael Brown shooting in Missouri?

Dozens of national polls in America during the past two decades consistently show more than three-quarters of us don't believe we have a problem with racial tension in America. Fewer and fewer Americans openly admit that they're racist, these polls have shown for years. But a more nuanced study conducted by the National Opinion Research Center at the University of Chicago found that many Americans still do, in fact, harbor beliefs about racial and ethnic minorities that are based on racist stereotypes.

The study used a sophisticated and carefully weighted questionnaire with a range of possible answers that evaluated up to seven different characteristics about a variety of groups, religions and ethnicities. Since it included a range of characteristics, and a variety of groups that didn't isolate blacks or whites, the survey was able to go more deeply into racial stereotypes. "More than half the survey respondents rated African-Americans as less intelligent than whites," Diversity Digest wrote about the novel University of Chicago research. "[About] 57 percent of non-African-Americans rated African-Americans as less intelligent than whites and 30 percent of African-Americans themselves rated African-Americans as less intelligent than whites; 62 percent of the entire sample rated African-Americans as lazier than whites; and more than 3 out of 4 survey respondents said that African-Americans are more inclined than whites to prefer welfare over work."

Those are shocking statistics – and completely out of line with what people now tell national polling firms about what they would like their views on race to sound like. Almost 60 percent of non-African-Americans believe blacks are less intelligent than whites? Almost a third of blacks feel they're less intelligent than whites? Two-thirds of us believe that black people are lazier than white people? Three-quarters of us believe that blacks are more interested in welfare than work?

A protestor takes part in a demonstration outside of Chicago City Hall on Dec. 11, 2015.

We've certainly made substantial progress since the repeal of the Jim Crow laws. But we also clearly have substantial work to do in America. Younger generations believe we live in a post-racial society where we don't see the color of someone's skin. We aspire, as a nation, to move past the pain and injustice of the Civil War and Jim Crow, and believe that we have. It's a deep, heartfelt wish.

The problem is that aspiration isn't meeting reality in America right now.

When white people take the IAT – a popular online test developed by Yale social science researchers to test our inherent racial biases – most are surprised and appalled at the results, because 88 percent of those who take the test discover that they reflexively and subconsciously associate images of black people with words like "bad" and images of white people with words like "good."

Catalyst, the organization that helped jumpstart the "glass ceiling" debate in corporate America through a series of polls among women in the workplace, found that black women see a "concrete ceiling" in the workplace – not a glass ceiling. They don't see an opportunity to move up into the top echelons of the workplace, they can't even see them.

In both cases, these aren't questions of aspiration, they are questions of what we carry around in our brains. They are examples of what we learn, what we know. When it comes to racial bias, nurture trumped nature quite some time ago.

College Presidents Are Making Racial Climate a Priority ]

Born Without Prejudice

We aren't born with prejudices about race. It isn't something that's encoded in our DNA. It's based on perception. It's something we learn over time through repetition in all forms of media, in conversations, in dialogues, in the way that we interact socially in our daily lives.

But here's the extraordinarily good news: If racial prejudices are something that we learn, it means that we can unlearn them as well.

Prejudice uses "many of the same tools that help our minds figure out what's good and what's bad," David Amodio, a New York University cognitive neuroscientist, told journalist Chris Mooney. Our brains are wired in evolutionary terms to respond to threats quickly and efficiently.

For instance, we have learned to very quickly identify a grizzly bear in the wild as "dangerous," Amodio said. The trouble we face today, as a society, is when our brains use similar processes to form negative views about groups of people.

The 12th Gyalwang Drukpa, the Buddhist leader of South Asia, waves a scarf in front of a mural of Freddie Gray as he tours the Sandtown neighborhood on May 7, 2015 in Baltimore, Md.

But neuroscience and social science research suggests that once we understand the psychological pathways that lead to prejudice, then we are able to actually train our brains to go in the opposite direction. In order to understand those pathways, we have to identify them, talk about them, explore them, express them – and then start to act on them.

Like an athlete who wants to learn how to be a pro, we have to train our brains. In training, you make mistakes. You stumble and fall. You have good days and bad. But, as you train, you learn. And, eventually, through training, you become much better at the sport you set out to master. Practice really does make perfect. It's the same with our brains.

The dialogue starts with our leaders. Race relations have improved in America in the past 40 or 50 years, President Barack Obama has said. "We have made enormous progress in race relations over the course of the last several decades," he said in November 2015. "I have witnessed that in my own life and to deny that progress, I think, is to deny America's capacity to change."

Welcome to Missouri, and Civil Rights 2.0 ]

He's right, of course. America has the capacity to change. Race relations have improved in the past generation. But we clearly still have a problem. We can't pretend that it doesn't exist.

If we'd solved the equation – if we truly were living in a post-racial society in all aspects of America today – then we wouldn't continue to struggle with inequity in the criminal justice system; with imbalances in public education in urban cities; or with the very real "concrete ceiling" for black women in the workplace.

There's only one way to work our way out of the box we find ourselves in. We need a new conversation – one that includes equal measures of hope and pain, threat and opportunity, conflict and resolution. We need to train. We need to start talking about it without fear of making a mistake. Only then can we get to the society we aspire to live in.

We need to start sharing stories – some personal, some painful. It's the only real way that we can change what we've learned. The human species is a remarkably adaptive species, thanks to our brain and mind. It's time we start exercising that gift.


Jeff Nesbit, Contributor

Jeff Nesbit was the National Science Foundation's director of legislative and public affairs in the Bush and Obama administrations; former Vice President Dan Quayle's communications director; the FDA's public affairs chief; and a national journalist with Knight-Ridder and others. He's the executive director of Climate Nexus and the author of more than 24 books. His latest book is "This Is the Way the World Ends: How Droughts and Die-offs, Heat Waves and Hurricanes Are Converging on America." He may be reached at

Anatomy of a 21st Century Uncle Tom


Alatenumo Nov 2, 2017


In Quentin Tarantino’s 2012 movie Django Unchained, there is a scene where Stephen, a loyal House slave belonging to plantation owner Calvin Candie comes into contact with a fellow black man named Django. When his master introduces Django, Stephen objects to his master’s hospitality towards the visitor saying, “Calvin, just who the hell is this nigger you feel the need to entertain.” From the moment Django steps into Calvin’s house, Stephen, who is very protective of his master closely monitors him. Eventually, Calvin is killed and upon seeing the dead body of his master, Stephen wails. Even though Stephen (played by Samuel L Jackson) is a fictional character, he is an archetypal Uncle Tom.

Uncle Tom is a term used within the black community to describe a traitor (male and female) who is willing to throw the black race under the bus in order to win approval from the white race. Uncle Toms are sometimes called Aunty Jemima, Coconuts, Oreo, Handkerchief heads, Uppity Negroes, House Negro and House niggers. They come in different shapes and sizes but very often, they tend to be fairly comfortable relative to the black masses. A number of them are lawyers, doctors, accountants, IT consultants and bankers who live in affluent white neighbourhoods. Their proximity to white people makes them emulate and envy the white’s lifestyle. It also keeps them disconnected from the sufferings of the black populace.


Uncle Tom was initially a fictional character in American abolitionist, Harriet Beecher Stowe iconic novel titled Uncle Tom’s Cabin. The term was later used to describe subservient black people. According to Dr. Malik Shabazz, an Emeritus Professor at Malcolm X University in Harlem, “To understand the mentality of Uncle Toms, you have to go back in time to the slave plantation in Virginia.” He says, “There were two kinds of slaves namely the House Negro who lived in the house with the slave master and the field Negro who lived in a shack. Unlike the House Negro who loved his master and ate the crumbs that fell from his table, the field Negro hated his master because he was treated like an animal.” During the plantation era, Uncle Toms wore handkerchiefs over their heads and wore bowler hats in the Jim Crow era. Today’s House Negroes wear suits, shirts or pencil skirts and sometimes have a stethoscope, tie or bib collarette around their necks. Traitors in the black community differ from traitors from other races. As Marcus Garvey, the black activist put it, unlike other races where the traitors are confined to the irresponsible individual, the traitors among the black race are generally found among the educated and influential.


Margaret Keys, a New York based psychologist successfully analysed the modern day Uncle Toms in her bestselling book — Inside the Mind of A 21st Century Uncle Tom. In an interview with Alatenumo Times, she said, “The present-day Uncle Tom is a complex character who suffers from a deeply seated inferiority complex.” House Negroes exhibit a lack of faith in their blackness and they see whiteness as the highest form of human existence. “To overcompensate for their inadequacies, they develop an excessive hatred towards people of their own race. We see this exhibited in their support for policies detrimental to people of colour,” she says.

Many House Negroes are plagued with Stockholm Syndrome, a condition that causes them to develop a psychological admiration with their oppressors. Jumoke Adesanya who suffers from the disease says, “Even though I have seen my brother discriminated at work because of his race, seen my cousin killed by a trigger-happy white cop and seen my husband racially profiled, I still maintain a positive attitude towards the white power structure.” Aaron Blake, a psychiatrist at Haddington Laboratories says, “As Uncle Toms engage regularly with their white oppressors, they develop an unhealthy emotional tie with their oppressors.” According to research conducted by the Anti-House Negro League, roughly 60 percent of Uncle Toms show evidence of Stockholm Syndrome.

The Making of an Uncle Tom

House Negroes are made and not born. They usually reside in Western countries where whiteness is the dominant culture. They are exposed to whiteness from an early age coming into contact with white toys like the popular Barbie Doll before they can even walk. At school, they are taught history from a biased white perspective. As they move up the social ladder, they become more alienated from the black experience. The Institute of Chartered House Negroes (ICHN), a Toronto based organization was set up five years ago with the aim of making House Negroes more professional. The ICHN awards the prestigious CHN designation to House Negroes who are able to pass the gruesome six-hour paper exam and two-hour oral interview. “We expect our members to worship at the altar of whiteness, be immune from the collective plight of the black race. We also expect them to be ashamed of their racial identity and see upward mobility in white spaces as their ultimate purpose in life”, says Tinashe Muzenda, the President of ICHN. Every year, hundreds of prominent House Negroes from around the world converge at Madison Square Garden for the House Negro of the Year Award Ceremony where the winner takes home 30 pieces of silver.


House Negroes can be identified by their creeds and deeds. “Even if I am blind-folded I will still be able to spot a House Negro; all he needs to do is open his mouth,” says Culture Fanon, a racial equality campaigner. A prominent feature of Uncle Toms is their disregard for the black masses. Having maintained a so-called middle-class status in the West, House Negroes have little patience with those left behind in the rat race. Their hatred towards poor blacks makes it difficult to empathise or identify with black struggles. House Negroes are often strong advocates of neoliberalism and they attribute black suffering to laziness and this partly explains their condescending attitude towards the black precariat.

Uncle Toms often act as mouthpieces for white supremacy. “Despite their black skin, house Negroes are strong defenders of White pride, White supremacy, and White privilege,” says, an unemployed graduate who asked not to be named. When white supremacy occurs at the expense of blacks, these Uppity Negroes pitch their tent with the oppressive white system. On some occasions, they use the language of the white power structure and at other times, they use false equivalents to justify the racial status quo. David Odinga, the author of How To Betray Your Race, says, “When the black underclass say Black Lives Matter, the House Negro says White Lives also Matter; when black activists demand reparation, the House Negro says it all happened in the past; when black workers talk about discrimination in the workplace, the House Negro says, stop playing the race card. They even justify colonialism on the grounds that it brought development to the colonies and frown at the renaming of monuments previously named after white supremacist.

The 21st century House Negro also suffers from an identity crisis. Although they are black on the outside, they are white on the inside. “I don’t see myself as black,” says Tom T Thompson, a barrister who describes himself as a Black Anglo Saxon. “Whenever Serena Williams plays against Maria Sharapova, I support Sharapova because she is white, beautiful, blonde, and blue-eyed.” Some Uncle Toms are now undergoing White Brain Transplants and Brain Whitening treatments. According to Richard Hall, an Atlanta based brain surgeon, “White brain transplant is a $1m medical procedure in which a black person’s brain is completely removed and replaced with a white donor’s brain. In the case of the much cheaper brain whitening, the Negro retains half of her brain, which is then sprayed with white paint. The result is the same — the patient thinks white.

The identity crisis also affects the way House Negroes speak. When talking about white people, the House Negro speaks in the first person plural, but when talking about blacks, he speaks in the second person. “A couple of days ago, I went to Wembley Stadium with a friend to watch a football match between Ghana and England,” says Kofi Asamoah, Chairman of the London branch of the Black Stars Supporters Club “After England defeated Ghana, this Ghanaian Uncle Tom was so happy and said to me, ‘see we thrashed your team’ even though we were both born and raised in Ghana.

Like Stephen in the Django movie, today’s House Negroes use white acceptance to validate their manhood. Many believe that getting close to white people would make them more like whites. “The House Negro is obsessed with living in white neighbourhoods, sending their children to white populated schools, hanging out with white friends and jumping in the white man’s bed,” says Abdul Ibrahim, a research fellow at Ebony Roundtable, a Nairobi based think tank.

They also engage in cultural genocide by discarding their own culture. A House Negro has no shame in appropriating the dominant white culture if it would grant him the opportunity to eat the crumbs that fall from Massa’s table. “Shortly after I began my career, I realised that in order to increase my cultural capital I had to kill my African culture and embrace the much superior white culture,” says Jack Whitlock, a private banker, “I changed my name to make it more pronounceable, then I went for wine tasting classes and began watching tennis at Wimbledon even though I hated and still hate all these activities.”

Political Dividend

The political class in the West is beginning to take note of the important role House Negroes play in the black community. Even though Uncle Toms are looked at with suspicion and disdain by the black underclass, they make effective pawns for politicians. They help in keeping the black field Negroes in the “dog house” by telling them how to conduct themselves and scolding them when they deviate from acceptable white behaviour. Uncle Toms also make politicians feel good about racial progress. Politicians can point to these token House Negroes and argue that if they can make it, what is stopping the black masses from fulfilling their potential. The Uppity Negro also acts as pacifiers by discouraging black militancy.

House Negroes can help white politicians get elected to office, even if their policies negatively affect blacks. According to Ajibade Cole, the House Negro in Charge of the Theresa May Plantation, the black vote is critical. ”Since blacks are very religious, we update our database with names of Pastors and Imams who might be interested in hosting the Prime Minister during election time,” he says, “It is a win-win relationship — the Pastors and Imams get to brag that they have access to the Prime Minister while we get an opportunity to capture some black votes.” However, some Pastors in a number of black majority churches are pushing back. “When I got the letter from the Prime Minister, I refused to let her into the church. Her policies on immigration, spending cuts and criminal justice have destroyed my people. I am not her House Negro,” says Pastor Solomon, the Senior Minister at Christ Temple Tabernacle Mission.


Some people have been wrongly labeled Uncle Toms because they are successful or intelligent. “A distinction needs to be made between people who are successful and those who are traitors to their race,” says Winston Simpson, a Professor of Black Studies at Dudu University. However, House Negroes like Rachel Sonko, a Wall Street trader remain unapologetic. “If being a House Negro means having no compassion for poor blacks, siding with whites, discouraging black people from demanding racial justice, selling my race for 30 pieces of silver, then I will proudly wear the House Negro t-shirt.”


Ahmed Olayinka Sule, CFA

Dehumanization of African-Americans Influences Racial Shooter Biases



· Yara Mekawi

· Konrad Bresin

· Carla D. Hunter

10 September 2019


Dehumanization, defined as the psychological process through which others are perceived as being non-human, has been of interest to researchers for many years, in part because of its potential to inform our understanding of how human beings justify harm toward out-groups. The current research extends the literature by using a novel experimental manipulation to investigate dehumanization’s effect on automatic behavior toward out-groups (e.g., racial shooter biases) and examined perceived threat as a moderator. Participants were randomly assigned to one of three conditions (African-American dehumanization, white dehumanization, and control). Across two studies (Study 1, n = 290; Study 2, n = 318), those in the African-American dehumanization condition were quicker to correctly shoot armed African-American (vs. white) targets (d = − .21, 95% CI [− .38, − .04]) compared to the other two conditions. This effect was only significant among participants who perceived African-Americans as relatively more threatening.

Probation and Race in the 1980s: A Quantitative Examination of Felonious Rearrests and Minority T



· Victor St. John

11 June 2019


Black and Latinx persons are overrepresented in the population of people who are incarcerated, on probation and on parole in the United States. Empirical investigations on the breadth and depth of the disparate outcomes for incarcerated Black and Latinx persons remain limited, presenting historical gaps in the understanding of community corrections at different time periods. Taking the position that history repeats itself and that data on racial and ethnic inequalities from the past are as relevant as data in the present, this study examines the relationship between race and community corrections during the 1980s, filling a historical void in the documentation, statistical rigor, and understanding of disproportionate probation outcomes. A nationally representative sample of 12,368 people on probation in the United States during the late 1980s was used to examine Minority Threat Theory, yielding the findings that an individual’s race and ethnicity, as well as the community’s racial and ethnic composition were predictive factors of a probationer being rearrested for a felony charge. The findings suggest that racial and ethnic disparities in community corrections existed almost four decades ago and the crafting of policies that foster a fair community corrections system should look to the past as well as the present when tailoring and implementing community alternatives to incarceration.

Trends in Deaths Due to Syphilis, United States, 1968-2015.


  Peterman TA1, Kidd SE.


Before penicillin, the syphilis case-fatality rate was 10% within 40 years. Late complications, such as cardiovascular syphilis, were still common in the 1950s but now seem quite rare even though some infections likely go undetected. We studied trends in syphilis mortality as an indicator of trends in severe complications of syphilis.


We assessed underlying cause of death from US death certificates for 1968 to 2015. We examined death trends by type of syphilis (cardiovascular, neuro, congenital, other). We compared trends in deaths with trends in primary and secondary syphilis from national STD surveillance data.


During 1968 to 2015, there were 6498 deaths attributed to syphilis, 4149 males and 2349 females. Annual syphilis deaths decreased from 586 in 1968 to 94 in 1984, then leveled off to between 24 and 46 since 1998. Between 1968 and 2015, the decrease in annual cardiovascular syphilis deaths (from 338 to 3) exceeded the decrease in annual neurosyphilis deaths (from 191 to 33). Congenital syphilis deaths (which do not include stillbirths) generally decreased from 28 to 2 per year. An increase in primary and secondary syphilis among women in the late 1980s was accompanied by a 4-fold increase in congenital syphilis deaths (from 9 in 1986 to 35 in 1990), but there was no subsequent increase in syphilis deaths among women.


Adults now rarely die from syphilis. Increases in infections in the late 1980s did not lead to an increase in adult syphilis deaths. Congenital syphilis deaths still increase when syphilis increases among women.

COON! 10 Signs You May Be Dealing with an Uncle Tom Negro



by Deric Muhammad April 21, 2016 0 comment

“Tell your ni**a jokes while he’s in the room, he gon’ laugh harder than you cause he’s a coon.”

-Willie D of the Geto Boys

In every liberation movement there are traitors. There are always those whose fear of the enemy outweighs their desire for freedom, justice and equality. It is this fear that causes them to “sell-out” the interest of the whole in order to gain personal favors which usually amount to “crumbs” on the table. Ants are the most effective in organized productivity, because they instinctively understand that no single ant is more important than the colony. This truth rings even louder and clearer when it comes to the liberation of a people who have been lost from their native land for 461 years. No single individual is more important than the freedom of the entire nation.

However, we must understand that anything of great value is always met with great opposition. The greatest of this opposition usually comes from within. For every Jesus, there is a Judas. For every Caesar, there is a Brutus. There will always be those who will sell out the future of our people for a bucket of chicken, a side of biscuits and a corn on the cob. And just as Judas ended up returning the 30 pieces of silver he received for selling out Jesus, most traitors fail miserably and end up empty handed. This is why we don’t worry about them, but at the same time, we acknowledge that they are dangerous to our progress.

Most sell-out Negroes are simply miseducated, uninformed and fooled into believing that their enemy is their friend. It’s safe to say that we have entered into a new age of Black consciousness. At the same time, we’ve also entered into a new age of Black “coonery” and tomfoolery.  We must make sure that this mentality is not passed onto the next generation. In order to properly handle this mindset you must first know how to recognize it when it’s in your midst. Here are a few things to look for.

§ THEIR USE OF LANGUAGE– A sell-out Negro will always speak independently of his or her own people. The word WE is hardly ever employed. When referring to their own people they use terms like “they” or “yall.” They make statements like “Black people need to stop complaining about everything.” You can always spot a weak-minded Negro by the language he or she uses.

§ GO VOTE! (The answer to EVERYTHING?) – It does not matter what problems arise in the Black community, this person believes that voting is the panacea and will even go as far as saying that people who don’t vote don’t have the right to complain. This is the Uncle Tom’s way of washing his hands of the masses. I agree that voting is important and can be a very powerful tool, if used properly. But VOTING IS NOT THE ANSWER TO EVERYTHING. When this person is presented with a social issue that he or she does not have a solution for, they simply ask, “Did you vote?” If the answer is no, they dismiss you. They see voting as the “social Tylenol” that relieves all headaches. It is not.

§ NAME DROPPING – A person who feels they have to constantly mention the names of influential people (particularly White ones) in order to bring credibility to their own is what I call a chronic “name dropper.” They have to mention the politicians they know and the mega-church preachers they have lunch with weekly. It is their way of establishing superiority over you in a conversation. It is also a form a self-loathing and indicative of an inferiority complex. Be mindful of the name dropper.

§ THE WHISPERER – When topics like slavery or reparations come up they start to whisper, even if no one else is within earshot. They cringe when others publicly use words like “WHITE PEOPLE.” They’d prefer terms like “vanilla” or “our ivory brothers and sisters.” The Uncle Tom Negro is easily embarrassed by any utterance of protest, resistance or activist activity. They’re happy to converse with you about Dr. King but break out in hives when you mention names like Nat Turner or Assata Shakur.

§ OVERLY CRITICAL – They are overly critical of their own people. If a Black brother or sister is shot by law enforcement, the Uncle Tom Negro asks questions like “I wonder what he did to deserve it.” They don’t even wait for the facts. They criticize every little flaw associated with a Black-owned business, as if other businesses don’t have the same or similar flaws. In the eyes of a sell-out Negro, Black people are always guilty until proven innocent.

§ PROFESSIONAL APOLOGISTS – Just as they are overly critical of their own people, they are supremely apologetic when it comes to the evils committed by the oppressor. Some will go as far as justifying slavery using the scriptures. They are the “public defenders” for White supremacy and the “go-to Negroes” when damage control is needed to wash the blood off of White hands. They are quick to forgive White folks, but won’t forgive members of their own family for offenses they can’t even remember.

§ REVERSE RACE CARD – The Uncle Tom Negro is quick to accuse another Black person of being a racist; as if though the descendants of slaves currently have the power to do to White people what was done to our ancestors. This is only reverse psychology. It is their way of currying favor with their White benefactors and dodging their duty to stand up to institutionalized racism. They are too cowardly to stand up to the real racist so they accuse the victim of racism of being the source of the problem.

§ When in the presence of Europeans, They Tend To Laugh At Jokes That Aren’t Funny, shed tears for causes they know nothing about and sympathize with other communities concerning the very issues they pay no attention to in their own community.

§ He believes wholeheartedly that the White man’s ice is colder. He proudly spends his Black dollars with White businesses regardless of how it impacts his community. Black business owners and entrepreneurs can do nothing right in the eyes of the sell-out Negro. The illusion of inclusion makes him to think he is considered an equal in the sight of his Caucasian contemporaries. Time usually proves him wrong. Time is always the great equalizer.

§ He thinks he can buy respect and honor. He thinks he can buy the loyalty of the hood. Since he (or she) has a price, the assumption is that all Black people have one. They use money as a tool to neutralize any potential resistance in the community. The Uncle Tom Negro usually only comes around when they have a specific agenda. His relationship with his community does not extend past what it can do for him.

Note: These are just a few traits I recognize as being dangerous to the Black agenda. Notice I didn’t call any names. The first person that we must take a look at is the person in the mirror. Then we must rid our culture of all coonery and buffoonery through the spread of knowledge, wisdom and understanding. Support the war against “coonin.”

{Deric Muhammad is a Houston-based activist. Website:}

9 Quick Statistics about Domestic Violence and the LGBTQ Community



  1. 43.8% of lesbian women     and 61.1% of bisexual women     have experienced rape, physical violence, and/or stalking by an intimate partner at some point in their lifetime, as opposed to 35% of heterosexual women.
  2. 26% of gay men and 37.3% of bisexual men have experienced rape, physical violence, and/or stalking by an intimate partner in their lifetime, in comparison to 29% of heterosexual men.
  3. In a study of male same sex relationships, only 26% of men called the police for assistance      after experiencing near-lethal violence.
  4. In 2012, fewer than 5% of LGBTQ survivors of intimate partner violence sought orders of protection.
  5. Transgender victims are more likely to experience intimate partner violence in public,      compared to those who do not identify as transgender.
  6. Bisexual victims are more likely to experience sexual violence, compared to people who do      not identify as bisexual.
  7. LGBTQ Black/African American victims are more likely to experience physical intimate partner violence, compared      to those who do not identify as Black/African American.
  8. LGBTQ white victims are more likely to experience sexual violence, compared to those who do not identify as white.
  9. LGBTQ victims on public assistance are more likely to experience intimate partner violence compared to those      who are not on public assistance.



LGBT Sexuality and Inclusion in Black

Community Life1

Mignon R. Moore

Departments of Sociology and African American Studies,

University of California, Los Angeles


This work examines the strategies Black lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT)

people use in Black environments to proclaim a gay identity that is simultaneous with a

Black identity. It identifies three distinctive features of LGBT protest in Black communities.

Black gay2 protest takes on a particular form when individuals are also trying to maintain

solidarity with the racial group despite the threat of distancing that occurs as a result of

their sexual minority status. Black sexual minorities who see their self-interests as linked

to those of other Blacks use cultural references to connect their struggles to historical

efforts for Black equality and draw from nationalist symbols and language to frame their

political work. They believe that increasing their visibility in Black spaces will promote a

greater understanding of gay sexuality as an identity status that can exist alongside,

rather than in competition with, race. The findings of this research have implications for

larger discussions of identity, protest, and gay sexuality in intraracial contexts.

LGBTQ Social Determinants in Arkansas



LACorp began Arkansas specific LGBTQ curriculum project after listening to multiple experts identify and propagate the lack of data on the LGBTQ communities in Arkansas. It is our intent to ensure appropriate movement is in place.

 “I always wondered why somebody doesn't do something about that. Then I realized I was somebody.”

Lily Tomlin

The same social determinants that affect the general population are exacerbated for the LGBTQ

community due to added discrimination and lack of support. There are also subgroups in the

LGBTQ community whom experience intensified barriers when demographics such as race are

included. In Arkansas, virtually no health institutions collect data from their clients concerning

sexual orientation or gender identity. When surveys are presented to the LGBTQ community, the

sample groups are usually not equal to the demographics of the LGBTQ community. If we look

at surveys taken in Arkansas such as the Arkansas LGBT Health Initiative, which was conducted

by MSRGO and the Arkansas Department of Health, we were made aware that there were only

60 surveys completed. HRC reports having done the largest LGBTQ focused survey in Arkansas

with close to 1000 (973) surveys. Although this was a much larger sample group, this group was

95% White in a state that is comprised of more than 20% minorities. Without a concerted effort

to collect data from at least a sample group representing the true demographics of the Arkansas

LGBTQ community, we have no way of knowing the health status and therefore disparities of

this community.

What we do know is that there are health disparities with the LGBTQ community and there are

disparities in racial minority communities. We also know that

less than 67% of African Americans participate in the census.

The ongoing political immigration issues indicate that there

are many immigrants that do not participate in census’, polls

or surveys either. Most of the information provided in

various polls and surveys are skewed because of minority

participation for various reasons. As we move towards an

actual focus on data collection, we must be conscious of both.

In 2009, Queers for Economic Justice published “Tidal

Wave: LGBT Poverty and Hardship in a Time of Economic

Crisis.” Some of the information that can be used is below.

Black female same-sex couples report a median income of $21,000 less than White female same sex couples.

Black male same-sex couples report a median income of $23,000 less than White male same-sex couples.

People in same-sex couples who live in rural areas have poverty rates that are twice as high as same-sex couples who live in large metropolitan areas.

Healthy People 2020 listed their 10 top LGBTQ health disparities as seen in the right hand column above. As you can see there is only one that is in common with those listed by the U.S. Office of Minority Health, obesity. This disparity is exponentially multiplied.

It is our goal to improve the health of all Arkansans. We must not participate in the continuous omission of exponential determinants such as race and sexual orientation when attempting to improve outcomes. This is why we need your help to advocate for more thorough data collection.

Blacks LGBTQ

more likely more likely

  • Asthma 20%
  • Binge Drinking & Alcohol use
  • Chronic Liver Disease 70%
  • no breast cancer screening
  • High Blood Pressure 40%
  • no cervical cancer screening
  • Hepatitis B 2x
  • Experience Bullying
  • HIV 8.6x
  • mental health/mental illness
  • Infant Mortality 3x
  • Obesity 1.5x
  • not have HS education
  • Stroke 2x
  • not have health insurance
  • tobacco use
  • usual source of care


United States Dept. of Health & Human Services. Black/African Americans. (n.d.). Retrieved May 15, 2015.

The Williams Institute, (2009, February) Poverty in the Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Community. Retrieved May 15, 2015